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AAAI Press, Menlo Park (2005) 20. Murray, J. . Hamlet on the Holodeck: The Future of Narrative in Cyberspace, 2016th edn. Square Enix (2017) 23. Rescher, N. Aporetics: Rational Deliberation in the Face of Inconsistency. University of Pittsburgh Press, Pittsburgh (2009) 24. Ryan, M. L. Avatars of Story. University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis (2006) 25. Seraphine, F.

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Omar Little is a badass shotgun-wielding terror of the streets, preying on drug dealers and stealing their money. He's very careful, though, to make sure that nobody who's not in the game gets hurt. n other words, civilians and citizens who don't deal drugs. He also brings his grandma to church once a month while never letting her know what he really does for a living. When two of Avon's hitmen try to kill Omar on a Sunday while he's in the middle of taking his grandmother to church, the Baltimore underworld reacts in uproar. Even Avon Barksdale, a Blood Knight supreme who disdains things like cooperation and truces between drug gangs in favor of bloody gang wars like the one he's engaged in with Marlo Stanfield at the time, and who has a violent grudge against Omar, is taken aback by this, and forces the hitmen to apologize to Omar's grandmother and buy her a new church hat to replace the one that was ruined because of them. Avon's chief enforcer, Slim Charles, is especially livid about the whole thing. Avon: The Sunday truce been around as long as The Game itself man, I mean you know what I'm saying. Y'all try to hit a nigga when he taking his wrinkled ass grandma to pray. Ain't enough y'all done violated the Sunday morning truce, no. I'm standing here holding the torn up church crown of a bona fide colored lady. Not your moms, fo sho, cause if they was that, y'all woulda known better than that bullshit. Bodie isn't necessarily painted as evil, but he's still an unrepentant drug dealer who has murdered and gone to war with other gangs in the street without question when ordered.

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(BNC written) 5. Results and discussion 5. Frequency of each type of modality The frequency of each type of modality for the two adjectives, in the spoken and written examples, is registered in Table 2. The quantities lead to consider that dynamic and root modality are by far the most frequent in the spoken subcorpora of the two adjectives, while in the written subcorpus root modality is less common, perhaps because, in the absence of a nonlinguistic situational context, the linguistic context tends to make the kind of modality clearer. Frequency of each type of modality in the examples of possible and posible 5. Syntactic functions The frequency of the syntactic functions specified above of possible and posible is registered in Table 3, which shows that both adjectives are most frequent as constituents of extraposed clauses, and that written posible displays the highest percentage of cases in which it modifies a Noun Phrase. Spoken possible displays more occurrences modifying Adverb Phrases than the other subtypes. This table shows that they are strongly associated with dynamic modality, followed by root modality; therefore, generic statements are strongly associated with natural possibility. Number of generic utterances of possible and possible in the corpora 6. Conclusions The comparative analysis of possible and posible presented here shows that both adjectives are polysemous, since they can express epistemic, deontic and dynamic modality, as well as root modality (indeterminate non-epistemic modality). The results of the corpus-based quantitative analysis can be summarized as follows: the two adjectives are more common in the written than in the spoken subcorpora; their overall frequency is similar, possible being more frequent in the spoken subcorpus, and posible in the written subcorpus; they mostly express dynamic and root modality; they are often clausal constituents functioning as Subject Complement or Object Complement, and they are frequent with generic utterances. Their relatively similar frequency is contrary to the initial research hypothesis, which predicted that posible would be clearly more common than possible due to the higher frequency of epistemic cases of the Spanish adjective. This last fact was confirmed by our analysis; however, the quantitative difference in epistemic modality seems to be compensated in spoken language by the relatively high frequency of possible in collocations such as as soon as possible or as far as possible, and in written language by its extended use in generic utterances.

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