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Given Lev’s own suffering at the hands of Stalin’s Russia, it is also interesting that he identified as positive the elements of Russia’s past that were the most faithful antecedents to a brutal, arbitrary and cruel dictatorship, while rejecting as pernicious all European influences. This cannot have been solely due to fear of censorship, for this blank spot in Lev’s work continued through perestroika, glasnost and the end of the USSR. Damaged but undaunted, the two men began a correspondence that lasted until 1961, when Savitsky was arrested for a second time. This time it was at the Czech government’s behest: he had published the poetry he had written in the gulag with a Paris publisher. Savitsky was sentenced to 30 months in prison (shortened to a year after an international letter-writing campaign organized by friends abroad). He fell ill soon after his return, however, and never fully recovered. In 1966, Gumilev visited Savitsky in Prague, his first and only trip outside the USSR, two years before Savitsky died of cirrhosis of the liver, in April 1968. Lev’s later works owed much to the Eurasianist conception of history which poured forth in Savitsky’s letters. Through Savitsky, Lev was also able to write to Vernadsky in the USA; writing direct to America was too dangerous, but writing to Czechoslovakia did not raise eyebrows. His letters to Vernadsky were enclosed in letters to Savitsky, who posted them on to New Haven and sent Vernadsky’s replies back to Lev. Vernadsky, who had built his academic career on rehabilitating the Mongols and reinterpreting their relationship with Russia, taught Lev a great deal. But thaw or no thaw, one still had to be very careful: history as taught in the Soviet Union was very much hostage to the prevailing ideological winds. Academic disputes in Russia are notoriously prone to getting out of control. Scholars have always been very passionate about their subject and take disagreements very personally, tending to emotional and no-holds-barred polemics. Colleagues tend to pursue each other not just in the pages of specialist journals and in conference papers: before duelling was outlawed, many a scientific disagreement was settled at the ten-pace barrier with a pistol shot; and in the Soviet period, disagreements between academics could still be a matter of life and death. Most famously, in 1940, Trofim Lysenko, a prominent geneticist who had the ear of Stalin, denounced his scholarly rival Nikolay Vavilov after the two disagreed over theories of genetics. Vavilov was sent to a labour camp where he starved to death in 1943. For instance, it just so happened that the last person to publish a major book on the steppe tribes (in this case, the Huns) had been Bernstam himself. But Bernstam’s fate showed just how precarious an existence Soviet scholars led, no matter their subject. Like Bernstam, Gumilev would be subjected to withering criticism from his colleagues in history departments.

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