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By the end of World War II, Immerwahr reckons, there were more people living in colonies and under U. . occupation—including in Japan and the U. . zones of Germany—than in the mainland. In an era of airplanes and wireless communication, territory was not required for dominance; indeed, it could be a source of friction. his was a temporary condition. The third era in the history of U. . empire, from the postwar period to the present, saw a retreat from formal occupation. The Philippines obtained independence in 1946; Alaska and Hawaii got full incorporation; Puerto Rico, Guam, and Samoa got civilian rule. But the United States was not necessarily acting out of altruism. The struggles of colonized people for independence, anti-Filipino sentiment in California, and America’s desire to claim the mantle of freedom in the Cold War conflict with the Soviet Union were all part of the picture. The United States was also strategically shedding the undesirable parts of its power: the obligation to maintain order, to support colonial administrations, and, from the racist point of view of many white Americans, the colonial ties that facilitated migration to the United States. Instead, it now kept an empire of bases: signing a 99-year lease for land in the Philippines, keeping control of Vieques in Puerto Rico, Guantanamo in Cuba, Okinawa in Japan, and many hundreds of other locations. In an era of airplanes and wireless communication, territory was not required for dominance; indeed, it could be a source of friction. So far, so normal. What set tongues wagging was Diplomatic History ’s decision to publish, on the eve of the appearance of Immerwahr’s book, an article-length rebuttal to the Bernath lecture, written by Paul Kramer, a historian of the Philippines, and entitled “How Not to Write the History of Empire. Since its appearance in September last year, the Immerwahr-Kramer affair has been one of the first subjects of conversation among historians in this field. For an article in an academic publication, Kramer’s piece made an astonishingly personal attack.

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Several deputations met with the MP for their revenue and land related matters. Other delegations met MP for constructions of Nallah and drains. BJYM Kashmir organized Kabbadi matches under “Khelo Bharat” BJYM Kashmir organized Kabbadi matches under Pt. “Deen Dayal Updhayay Centenary Year” at District Budgam and District Ganderbal. These sports events were part of the “Khelo Bharat” mission, BJYM State President Dr. Suresh Ajay Magotra was Chief Guest on the occasion. Under Khelo Bharat Mission, five local games of our country will be played across the nation namely Kabbadi, Kho-Kho, Tug-of-war, Malkhamb and Wrestling. BJYM State Secretary Billal Parray was also present on the occasion. oday finals of Kabbadi matches were played at District Budgam and Manigam, Constituency Kangan, District Ganderbal. peaking on the occasion Dr. Magotra congratulated BJYM Kashmir to organize sports events under “Khelo Bharat” and said that it is a big message to the country and the whole world that the Youth of Kashmir is moving ahead with the rest of country. Like in other parts of country, these games were also been played in Kashmir. He said that our party has decided to promote the local games and sports and in a step forward, these games will be played across the country at Mandal, District and finally at National level. Dr. Magotra further added that parents also need to promote the sports activities among their children, so that with the good education they can also learn team work, brotherhood, ethics, discipline, dedication and many other good habits, these games will also make their children physically and mentally fit. The sports culture will also keep them far from the bad evils which are present in our society. He urged the Youth to indulge them in sports and cooperate to make a healthy and wealthy society. rominent who were present on the occasion were Irshad, Shoket, Arif, Amin and many others. OBC delegation meets Dr Narinder Singh Demands review of backward areas, cite injustice in job quota. A delegation of Open Backward Category today met BJP State Gen.

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. history. To do this, it does anchor parts of the argument with familiar figures; it is written from the mainland out, rather than the colonies in. Making the opposite choice would also yield an interesting and valuable book, but it would be a different book. “The history of the United States is the history of empire” is the line that closes How to Hide an Empire, and that is the point. On this, Kramer and Immerwahr would surely agree, in spite of the sparks. Kramer’s strongest argument is that writing a history of U. . empire as a history of territory leaves out a great deal, since “most expressions of American global power in the twentieth century” do not involve the conquest of new lands. Generations of American political leaders and government officials have sought and successfully developed more informal mechanisms of control, from economic pressure to CIA intervention. Parts of How to Hide an Empire bear out this critique. Indeed, one reason why the United States did not acquire major overseas colonies in tropical zones, while other European powers did, is that the country is already so large that it passes through multiple climactic zones, could produce products like sugar domestically, and possessed abundant re-sources of strategic products such as oil. As the twentieth century moved onward, synthetic chemicals further reduced the need for access to tropical markets. World War II saw acute shortages of rubber, for example, which the United States had largely obtained from European colonies, now seized by Japan. FDR imposed a national speed limit of 35 miles per hour to save tires; but by the end of the war, synthetic rubber had solved the problem. The size of the U. . economy in the postwar era—it accounted for half of global economic output—allowed it to spread international standards and practices (the octagonal red stop sign is nearly universal), spread the use of English, and shape the global economy, all but guaranteeing the United States access to the resources it needed. The possibilities of chemical substitution had dramatically lessened fears that the country would run out of resources: Fibers could be replaced by nylon or polyester, and plastic proliferated throughout postwar consumer society. The major exception was oil, as U.

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She tried to tell him to delay the battle. He didn’t. This forced her hand in seeking LF’s help. He almost died. He would have lost the battle had Sansa not done what she did. What do I see in Jon? Guilt. Self-doubt. Confusion. He has no idea how this is supposed to work with Sansa. He affirmed that Sansa was the reason they even won the battle and then he receives all the praise for the victory. This scene is about Jon’s insecurity and need of Sansa’s support and about Sansa’s recognition that she needs to balance her need for validation with making Jon feel supported. I don’t believe she’s quite put together how insecure Jon is about himself and his abilities. Sansa was in the middle of telling Jon that he needs to get better at listening to people but she unintentionally triggered his insecurities at the mention of Joffrey. Again, Jon isn’t saying Sansa can’t question his authority in the lead up to this - he was upset because he felt like Sansa’s criticisms make him seem small to the other lords because he feels small. The really interesting part is Jon’s response to this. He feels guilty that he’s been thrust in authority over her. To her credit - Sansa notices Jon’s emotional reaction very very quickly. She softens here. It’s the moment where she really can see through Jon, I believe.

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